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2 Florida Counties Show Election Day's
Inequities
Vote: Gadsden led state in spoiled ballots. Adjoining
Leon rejected the least. Officials analyze the reasons.
By BOB
DROGIN, Times Staff Writer
QUINCY, Fla.--Winding
slowly through Florida's northern Panhandle, the muddy-brown Ochlockonee
River neatly divides the best and the worst in America's troubled
presidential balloting systems. To the west
lies Gadsden County, which is largely poor, black and rural. On Nov. 7,
one in eight Gadsden voters was effectively disenfranchised when their
ballots were rejected as invalid. The spoilage rate was the highest in the
state. To the east lies Leon County, home of
the prosperous state capital, Tallahassee, and two state universities.
Here, fewer than two votes in 1,000 were not counted--the state's lowest
spoilage rate. The tale of these two counties,
as well as Florida's other 65, is under intense review now as federal,
state and independent panels study what went wrong in the 2000
election--and seek to ensure it won't happen again.
"We've learned a great deal that we
didn't know before," said Doug Lewis, executive director of the Election
Center, a Houston-based nonpartisan organization that is funded by city,
county and state governments. "And we're still learning more."
They've learned that ballot design is
critical: that when poorly educated voters confront confusing ballots, the
result can be thousands of unnecessary errors. That teaching people how to
use the voting equipment is important too, but is rarely done. That when
some counties take the time to check incoming ballots for problems--and
then give voters a chance to fix obvious mistakes--the error rate drops
dramatically. And that voter registration is a mess.
A 'Perfect Storm' of an Election
All this happened in a state in which the two
presidential candidates finished a hairbreadth apart, in a national
election so close that Florida would determine the outcome.
"What happened in Florida was like a
150-year storm event," said James C. Smith, a former Florida attorney
general and secretary of state who served as co-chairman of the governor's
task force. "Everything that could go wrong converged."
As Congress and at least 30 states consider
legislation to reform how Americans vote, Gadsden and Leon counties offer
crucial lessons in what went disastrously wrong--and perhaps on how to fix
it. Both are nestled amid lush piney ridges,
moss-draped streams and sandy lowlands just south of Georgia. Both
overwhelmingly voted for Democrat Al Gore. Beyond that, the neighboring
counties couldn't be more different. Gadsden,
Florida's only county with a black majority, seems caught in a time warp.
One in four of its 47,000 residents lives in poverty. Cotton and tobacco
plantations have died out, and so the chief industries now are tomato
farms, a small mine and a cluster of state prisons.
The county's schools rate among the
state's worst. More than one-third of its students drop out of high
school. Decay is everywhere, from ruined antebellum mansions and tin-roof
shacks deep in the woods to the boarded-up stores hugging the courthouse
square in the county seat, Quincy. Gadsden has
a long history of voter intimidation and fraud, largely on racial grounds.
But election day 2000 was mostly marked by chaos and confusion. County
election officials were overwhelmed as hundreds of calls jammed their two
phone lines and scores of irate voters filled the tiny office.
Denny Hutchinson was in charge. Like nearly
every other elected official in Gadsden, he is white. Until he lost a
reelection primary bid last year, he had served 20 years as the election
supervisor, following an uncle who had held the post for 32 years before
that. To this day, Hutchinson insists "nothing
went awry" in Gadsden County. "I don't know I'd do anything different," he
said. "We did it the same way we always did."
Indeed, Hutchinson followed state law
by running a sample ballot in the local newspaper the Sunday before the
Tuesday election. But with no other county or state funding, that was it
for voter education. "People should know how to vote," Hutchinson said.
Nor did instructions on how to vote come from
the union and civil rights activists who crisscrossed back roads last year
to register almost 2,000 new Gadsden County voters, virtually all
Democrats. "We have a lot of illiteracy," said
Vivian Kelly, a retired school principal and civil rights leader who
remains a firebrand at age 81. "And we wound up with a lot of people who
couldn't read or understand the ballot."
A Vote for Gore, and a Write-In Too
Gadsden has used a seemingly simple
voting system since 1994. Voters must use a pencil to fill in an oval
beside a candidate's name on a paper ballot, a task familiar to anyone who
has taken a standardized test in school. But many Gadsden voters didn't go
to school, at least not for long. And last year's ballot was far from
simple. Eight of the 10 presidential
candidates were listed in one column. The other two, plus a space for a
write-in candidate, were stuck atop the next column. Used by 15 counties
in all, it's been called a "caterpillar ballot," for the way names crawl
around the page. "A lot of people marked
one in each column, or selected all 10 candidates," said Shirley Knight,
who unseated Hutchinson and became the county's first black elections
supervisor. "And a lot of people marked Al Gore's name and then they wrote
his name in the write-in column on the next column."
Even the ballot wording was bizarre. It
instructed voters to "Vote for Group" in the presidential race, but did
not explain a "group." Nowhere did it say to vote for only one
presidential candidate. Ovals are between names, not beside them.
Gadsden had another problem:
central-based counting. After polls closed, ballots were collected from
the 16 precincts, then fed into an optical scanning machine at the main
election office. Because voters were not told if they spoiled a ballot,
they could not ask for another try, as the law allows.
There was a further twist. The day after
the election, the canvassing board met to review uncounted ballots to see
whether voters' intents were clear on undervotes marked with Xs, check
marks and stars, as well as overvotes. When they were done, they awarded
170 additional votes to Gore and 17 more to his rival, George W. Bush.
The final tally: 9,735 votes for Gore,
4,767 for Bush and 2,085 uncounted ballots. Nearly all those were
overvotes. Those, of course, were only
from those allowed to vote. "Some people
got turned away," Hutchinson said. "I don't deny it. But it wasn't out of
hatefulness or meanness." He said some
voters went to the wrong precinct, or hadn't notified the board of a new
address. Others failed to fill out the state mail-in applications
correctly, which lists some questions vertically and others horizontally.
Still others were sent away because the state Department of Highway Safety
and Motor Vehicles and other voter registration groups failed to file
their applications. "We had cases where
schoolteachers or other folks would register people and throw the
applications in the trunk of a car, and we'd never see it," Hutchinson
said. "We get a lot of that." Twenty
miles to the east is Tallahassee, the state capital and Leon County seat.
It could be another world. The city boasts high-rise hotels, upscale
restaurants and gleaming state office buildings. The county is mostly
urban, white and white-collar. With
220,000 people, Leon is far larger than Gadsden. Yet, only 154 ballots
were not counted of 103,418 votes cast on election day. Nearly all were
undervotes from people who intentionally abstained in the presidential
race. Ion Sancho, the elections
commissioner, deserves the credit. He convinced the county commission to
pay for mailing sample ballots to each home and detailed voting
instructions to newly registered voters.
Sancho then raised $15,000 from wealthy
individuals. He produced a low-budget TV spot on voting and then persuaded
the local cable TV provider to run it for half-price more than 100 times
the week before the election. Local radio stations agreed to run an audio
version for free. No other Florida county took such pains to educate
voters. "It's something I believe in,"
Sancho said.
Leon System Offered
2nd Chances Like Gadsden County,
Leon County used paper ballots and an optical scan system. Unlike Gadsden,
all presidential candidates were listed in one column. Ovals were next to
names. Voters could use pencil or pen.
More important, Leon County installed
tabulating machines in all 95 precincts, not just in one central location.
The difference was dramatic. "If you
make a mistake here, the machine spits it right out and you take it to the
poll worker and are issued another ballot," Sancho explained. The spoiled
ballot goes in a special bag. Sancho
said any registered voter who went to a precinct, even the wrong one, was
allowed to vote. Those with wrong addresses were allowed to correct them
after signing an affidavit. In addition,
Leon County installed sensitive new readers on its scanning machines in
1996 to detect votes on ballots where voters wrote an X or other mark on
the oval instead of darkening it. That helped lower the undervotes.
Sancho still marvels that no one in
state government ever asked him how his county achieved such voting
success year after year. "Not once," he said. "Nada, zippo, zero."
Complaints From Nearly Every
County Leon and Gadsden counties are
at the extremes, but Leon is not the only county that did most things
right, nor is Gadsden the only one that had trouble. In all, Florida
counties used five types of voting machines, at least 10 ballot designs
and laws that allowed each county to set its own standard for determining
a valid vote. Besides Gadsden, many
counties counted their ballots centrally. Many confused their voters with
poorly designed ballots; Palm Beach County's two-page "butterfly ballot"
became the most notorious, but it was far from unique.
Nearly every county was swamped by
complaints of inexperienced poll workers who couldn't answer questions,
didn't know the law and unfairly turned away registered voters. Weariness
was a factor: In huge Hillsborough County, the average poll worker was 67
and was required to work 15 or 16 hours on election day.
As many as 5% of those who used
Florida's mail-in application forms were not entered on voter rolls,
county officials said. "Motor-voter" registration was a particular
failure: In some areas, as many as 15% of the voter application forms
filed at state motor vehicle licensing bureaus were lost.
Florida's 179,855 uncounted ballots far
exceeded Bush's 537-vote margin of victory over Gore after the U.S.
Supreme Court effectively ended the contest Dec. 12.
Since then, the U.S. Commission on Civil
Rights has held heated hearings in Tallahassee and Miami, a bipartisan
task force appointed by his brother Gov. Jeb Bush has recommended sweeping
reforms and media organizations have begun reviewing the disputed ballots.
On March 5, Gov. Bush endorsed the task
force recommendations and urged the Legislature in Tallahassee to adopt a
uniform statewide balloting standard, abolish the punch-card voting system
and lease precinct-based optical scan machines in time for the 2002
elections. The estimated cost is about $20 million.
Action is far from assured. After this
legislative session, warned Smith, the former attorney general and task
force co-chairman, "everybody will go back to sleep and election reform
will no longer have anybody's attention."
Search the archives of the Los Angeles Times for similar stories
about: Albert
Jr Gore, George
W Bush, Presidential
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